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I'm delighted to see each of you here tonight in spite of a storm warning.
You reveal that you are determined to go on anyhow. Something is happening
in Memphis, something is happening in our world.
As you know, if I were standing at the beginning of time, with the possibility
of general and panoramic view of the whole human history up to now, and
the Almighty said to me, "Martin Luther King, which age would you
like to live in?"-- I would take my mental flight by Egypt through,
or rather across the Red Sea, through the wilderness on toward the promised
land. And in spite of its magnificence, I wouldn't stop there. I would
move on by Greece, and take my mind to Mount Olympus. And I would see Plato,
Aristotle, Socrates, Euripides and Aristophanes assembled around the Parthenon
as they discussed the great and eternal issues of reality.
But I wouldn't stop there. I would go on, even to the great heyday of
the Roman Empire. And I would see developments around there, through various
emperors and leaders. But I wouldn't stop there. I would even come up to
the day of the Renaissance, and get a quick picture of all that the Renaissance
did for the cultural and esthetic life of man. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would even go by the way that the man for whom I'm named had his habitat.
And I would watch Martin Luther as he tacked his ninety-five theses on
the door at the church in Wittenberg.
But I wouldn't stop there. I would come on up even to 1863, and watch
a vacillating president by the name of Abraham Lincoln finally come to
the conclusion that he had to sign the Emancipation Proclamation. But I
wouldn't stop there. I would even come up the early thirties, and see a
man grappling with the problems of the bankruptcy of his nation. And come
with an eloquent cry that we have nothing to fear but fear itself.
But I wouldn't stop there. Strangely enough, I would turn to the Almighty,
and say, "If you allow me to live just a few years in the second half
of the twentieth century, I will be happy." Now that's a strange statement
to make, because the world is all messed up. The nation is sick. Trouble
is in the land. Confusion all around. That's a strange statement. But I
know, somehow, that only when it is dark enough, can you see the stars.
And I see God working in this period of the twentieth century in a way
that men, in some strange way, are responding--something is happening in
our world. The masses of people are rising up. And wherever they are assembled
today, whether they are in Johannesburg, South Africa; Nairobi, Kenya:
Accra, Ghana; New York City; Atlanta, Georgia; Jackson, Mississippi; or
Memphis, Tennessee--the cry is always the same--"We want to be free."
And another reason that I'm happy to live in this period is that we
have been forced to a point where we're going to have to grapple with the
problems that men have been trying to grapple with through history, but
the demands didn't force them to do it. Survival demands that we grapple
with them. Men, for years now, have been talking about war and peace. But
now, no longer can they just talk about it. It is no longer a choice between
violence and nonviolence in this world; it's nonviolence or nonexistence.
That is where we are today. And also in the human rights revolution,
if something isn't done, and in a hurry, to bring the colored peoples of
the world out of their long years of poverty, their long years of hurt
and neglect, the whole world is doomed. Now, I'm just happy that God has
allowed me to live in this period, to see what is unfolding. And I'm happy
that he's allowed me to be in Memphis.
I can remember, I can remember when Negroes were just going around as
Ralph has said, so often, scratching where they didn't itch, and laughing
when they were not tickled. But that day is all over. We mean business
now, and we are determined to gain our rightful place in God's world.
And that's all this whole thing is about. We aren't engaged in any negative
protest and in any negative arguments with anybody. We are saying that
we are determined to be men. We are determined to be people. We are saying
that we are God's children. And that we don't have to live like we are
forced to live.
Now, what does all of this mean in this great period of history? It
means that we've got to stay together. We've got to stay together and maintain
unity. You know, whenever Pharaoh wanted to prolong the period of slavery
in Egypt, he had a favorite, favorite formula for doing it. What was that?
He kept the slaves fighting among themselves. But whenever the slaves get
together, something happens in Pharaoh's court, and he cannot hold the
slaves in slavery. When the slaves get together, that's the beginning of
getting out of slavery. Now let us maintain unity.
Secondly, let us keep the issues where they are. The issue is injustice.
The issue is the refusal of Memphis to be fair and honest in its dealings
with its public servants, who happen to be sanitation workers. Now, we've
got to keep attention on that. That's always the problem with a little
violence. You know what happened the other day, and the press dealt only
with the window-breaking. I read the articles. They very seldom got around
to mentioning the fact that one thousand, three hundred sanitation workers
were on strike, and that Memphis is not being fair to them, and that Mayor
Loeb is in dire need of a doctor. They didn't get around to that.
Now we're going to march again, and we've got to march again, in order
to put the issue where it is supposed to be. And force everybody to see
that there are thirteen hundred of God's children here suffering, sometimes
going hungry, going through dark and dreary nights wondering how this thing
is going to come out. That's the issue. And we've got to say to the nation:
we know it's coming out. For when people get caught up with that which
is right and they are willing to sacrifice for it, there is no stopping
point short of victory.
We aren't going to let any mace stop us. We are masters in our nonviolent
movement in disarming police forces; they don't know what to do. I've seen
them so often. I remember in Birmingham, Alabama, when we were in that
majestic struggle there we would move out of the 16th Street Baptist Church
day after day; by the hundreds we would move out. And Bull Connor would
tell them to send the dogs forth and they did come; but we just went before
the dogs singing, "Ain't gonna let nobody turn me round." Bull
Connor next would say, "Turn the fire hoses on." And as I said
to you the other night, Bull Connor didn't know history. He knew a kind
of physics that somehow didn't relate to the transphysics that we knew
about. And that was the fact that there was a certain kind of fire that
no water could put out. And we went before the fire hoses; we had known
water. If we were Baptist or some other denomination, we had been immersed.
If we were Methodist, and some others, we had been sprinkled, but we knew
water.
That couldn't stop us. And we just went on before the dogs and we would
look at them; and we'd go on before the water hoses and we would look at
it, and we'd just go on singing. "Over my head I see freedom in the
air." And then we would be thrown in the paddy wagons, and sometimes
we were stacked in there like sardines in a can. And they would throw us
in, and old Bull would say, "Take them off," and they did; and
we would just go in the paddy wagon singing, "We Shall Overcome."
And every now and then we'd get in the jail, and we'd see the jailers looking
through the windows being moved by our prayers, and being moved by our
words and our songs. And there was a power there which Bull Connor couldn't
adjust to; and so we ended up transforming Bull into a steer, and we won
our struggle in Birmingham.
Now we've got to go on to Memphis just like that. I call upon you to
be with us Monday. Now about injunctions: We have an injunction and we're
going into court tomorrow morning to fight this illegal, unconstitutional
injunction. All we say to America is, "Be true to what you said on
paper." If I lived in China or even Russia, or any totalitarian country,
maybe I could understand the denial of certain basic First Amendment privileges,
because they hadn't committed themselves to that over there. But somewhere
I read of the freedom of assembly. Somewhere I read of the freedom of speech.
Somewhere I read of the freedom of the press. Somewhere I read that the
greatness of America is the right to protest for right. And so just as
I say, we aren't going to let any injunction turn us around. We are going
on.
We need all of you. And you know what's beautiful to me, is to see all
of these ministers of the Gospel. It's a marvelous picture. Who is it that
is supposed to articulate the longings and aspirations of the people more
than the preacher? Somehow the preacher must be an Amos, and say, "Let
justice roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream."
Somehow, the preacher must say with Jesus, "The spirit of the Lord
is upon me, because he hath anointed me to deal with the problems of the
poor."
And I want to commend the preachers, under the leadership of these noble
men: James Lawson, one who has been in this struggle for many years; he's
been to jail for struggling; but he's still going on, fighting for the
rights of his people. Rev. Ralph Jackson, Billy Kiles; I could just go
right on down the list, but time will not permit. But I want to thank them
all. And I want you to thank them, because so often, preachers aren't concerned
about anything but themselves. And I'm always happy to see a relevant ministry.
It's alright to talk about "long white robes over yonder,"
in all of its symbolism. But ultimately people want some suits and dresses
and shoes to wear down here. It's alright to talk about "streets flowing
with milk and honey," but God has commanded us to be concerned about
the slums down here, and his children who can't eat three square meals
a day. It's alright to talk about the new Jerusalem, but one day, God's
preacher must talk about the New York, the new Atlanta, the new Philadelphia,
the new Los Angeles, the new Memphis, Tennessee. This is what we have to
do.
Now the other thing we'll have to do is this: Always anchor our external
direct action with the power of economic withdrawal. Now, we are poor people,
individually, we are poor when you compare us with white society in America.
We are poor. Never stop and forget that collectively, that means all of
us together, collectively we are richer than all the nation in the world,
with the exception of nine. Did you ever think about that? After you leave
the United States, Soviet Russia, Great Britain, West Germany, France,
and I could name the others, the Negro collectively is richer than most
nations of the world. We have an annual income of more than thirty billion
dollars a year, which is more than all of the exports of the United States,
and more than the national budget of Canada. Did you know that? That's
power right there, if we know how to pool it.
We don't have to argue with anybody. We don't have to curse and go around
acting bad with our words. We don't need any bricks and bottles, we don't
need any Molotov cocktails, we just need to go around to these stores,
and to these massive industries in our country, and say, "God sent
us by here, to say to you that you're not treating his children right.
And we've come by here to ask you to make the first item on your agenda--fair
treatment, where God's children are concerned. Now, if you are not prepared
to do that, we do have an agenda that we must follow. And our agenda calls
for withdrawing economic support from you."
And so, as a result of this, we are asking you tonight, to go out and
tell your neighbors not to buy Coca-Cola in Memphis. Go by and tell them
not to buy Sealtest milk. Tell them not to buy--what is the other bread?--Wonder
Bread. And what is the other bread company, Jesse? Tell them not to buy
Hart's bread. As Jesse Jackson has said, up to now, only the garbage men
have been feeling pain; now we must kind of redistribute the pain. We are
choosing these companies because they haven't been fair in their hiring
policies; and we are choosing them because they can begin the process of
saying, they are going to support the needs and the rights of these men
who are on strike. And then they can move on downtown and tell Mayor Loeb
to do what is right.
But not only that, we've got to strengthen black institutions. I call
upon you to take you money out of the banks downtown and deposit you money
in Tri-State Bank--we want a "bank-in" movement in Memphis. So
go by the savings and loan association. I'm not asking you something that
we don't do ourselves at SCLC. Judge Hooks and others will tell you that
we have an account here in the savings and loan association from the Southern
Christian Leadership Conference. We're just telling you to follow what
we're doing. Put your money there. You have six or seven black insurance
companies in Memphis. Take out your insurance there. We want to have an
"insurance-in."
Now there are some practical things we can do. We begin the process
of building a greater economic base. And at the same time, we are putting
pressure where it really hurts. I ask you to follow through here.
Now, let me say as I move to my conclusion that we've got to give ourselves
to this struggle until the end. Nothing would be more tragic than to stop
at this point, in Memphis. We've got to see it through. And when we have
our march, you need to be there. Be concerned about your brother. You may
not be on strike. But either we go up together, or we go down together.
Let us develop a kind of dangerous unselfishness. One day a man came
to Jesus; and he wanted to raise some questions about some vital matters
in life. At points, he wanted to trick Jesus, and show him that he knew
a little more than Jesus knew, and through this, throw him off base. Now
that question could have easily ended up in a philosophical and theological
debate. But Jesus immediately pulled that question from mid-air, and placed
it on a dangerous curve between Jerusalem and Jericho. And he talked about
a certain man, who fell among thieves. You remember that a Levite and a
priest passed by on the other side. They didn't stop to help him. And finally
a man of another race came by. He got down from his beast, decided not
to be compassionate by proxy. But with him, administered first aid, and
helped the man in need. Jesus ended up saying, this was the good man, because
he had the capacity to project the "I" into the "thou,"
and to be concerned about his brother. Now you know, we use our imagination
a great deal to try to determine why the priest and the Levite didn't stop.
At times we say they were busy going to church meetings--an ecclesiastical
gathering--and they had to get on down to Jerusalem so they wouldn't be
late for their meeting. At other times we would speculate that there was
a religious law that "One who was engaged in religious ceremonials
was not to touch a human body twenty-four hours before the ceremony."
And every now and then we begin to wonder whether maybe they were not going
down to Jerusalem, or down to Jericho, rather to organize a "Jericho
Road Improvement Association." That's a possibility. Maybe they felt
that it was better to deal with the problem from the casual root, rather
than to get bogged down with an individual effort.
But I'm going to tell you what my imagination tells me. It's possible
that these men were afraid. You see, the Jericho road is a dangerous road.
I remember when Mrs. King and I were first in Jerusalem. We rented a car
and drove from Jerusalem down to Jericho. And as soon as we got on that
road, I said to my wife, "I can see why Jesus used this as a setting
for his parable." It's a winding, meandering road. It's really conducive
for ambushing. You start out in Jerusalem, which is about 1200 miles, or
rather 1200 feet above sea level. And by the time you get down to Jericho,
fifteen or twenty minutes later, you're about 2200 feet below sea level.
That's a dangerous road. In the day of Jesus it came to be known as the
"Bloody Pass." And you know, it's possible that the priest and
the Levite looked over that man on the ground and wondered if the robbers
were still around. Or it's possible that they felt that the man on the
ground was merely faking. And he was acting like he had been robbed and
hurt, in order to seize them over there, lure them there for quick and
easy seizure. And so the first question that the Levite asked was, "If
I stop to help this man, what will happen to me?" But then the Good
Samaritan came by. And he reversed the question: "If I do not stop
to help this man, what will happen to him?".
That's the question before you tonight. Not, "If I stop to help
the sanitation workers, what will happen to all of the hours that I usually
spend in my office every day and every week as a pastor?" The question
is not, "If I stop to help this man in need, what will happen to me?"
"If I do no stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen
to them?" That's the question.
Let us rise up tonight with a greater readiness. Let us stand with a
greater determination. And let us move on in these powerful days, these
days of challenge to make America what it ought to be. We have an opportunity
to make America a better nation. And I want to thank God, once more, for
allowing me to be here with you.
You know, several years ago, I was in New York City autographing the
first book that I had written. And while sitting there autographing books,
a demented black woman came up. The only question I heard from her was,
"Are you Martin Luther King?"
And I was looking down writing, and I said yes. And the next minute
I felt something beating on my chest. Before I knew it I had been stabbed
by this demented woman. I was rushed to Harlem Hospital. It was a dark
Saturday afternoon. And that blade had gone through, and the X-rays revealed
that the tip of the blade was on the edge of my aorta, the main artery.
And once that's punctured, you drown in your own blood--that's the end
of you.
It came out in the New York Times the next morning, that if I had sneezed,
I would have died. Well, about four days later, they allowed me, after
the operation, after my chest had been opened, and the blade had been taken
out, to move around in the wheel chair in the hospital. They allowed me
to read some of the mail that came in, and from all over the states, and
the world, kind letters came in. I read a few, but one of them I will never
forget. I had received one from the President and the Vice-President. I've
forgotten what those telegrams said. I'd received a visit and a letter
from the Governor of New York, but I've forgotten what the letter said.
But there was another letter that came from a little girl, a young girl
who was a student at the White Plains High School. And I looked at that
letter, and I'll never forget it. It said simply, "Dear Dr. King:
I am a ninth-grade student at the Whites Plains High School." She
said, "While it should not matter, I would like to mention that I
am a white girl. I read in the paper of your misfortune, and of your suffering.
And I read that if you had sneezed, you would have died. And I'm simply
writing you to say that I'm so happy that you didn't sneeze."
And I want to say tonight, I want to say that I am happy that I didn't
sneeze. Because if I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1960,
when students all over the South started sitting-in at lunch counters.
And I knew that as they were sitting in, they were really standing up for
the best in the American dream. And taking the whole nation back to those
great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the Founding Fathers in
the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. If I had sneezed,
I wouldn't have been around in 1962, when Negroes in Albany, Georgia, decided
to straighten their backs up. And whenever men and women straighten their
backs up, they are going somewhere, because a man can't ride your back
unless it is bent. If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been here in 1963,
when the black people of Birmingham, Alabama, aroused the conscience of
this nation, and brought into being the Civil Rights Bill. If I had sneezed,
I wouldn't have had a chance later that year, in August, to try to tell
America about a dream that I had had. If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have
been down in Selma, Alabama, to see the great movement there. If I had
sneezed, I wouldn't have been in Memphis to see a community rally around
those brothers and sisters who are suffering. I'm so happy that I didn't
sneeze.
And they were telling me, now it doesn't matter now. It really doesn't
matter what happens now. I left Atlanta this morning, and as we got started
on the plane, there were six of us, the pilot said over the public address
system, "We are sorry for the delay, but we have Dr. Martin Luther
King on the plane. And to be sure that all of the bags were checked, and
to be sure that nothing would be wrong with the plane, we had to check
out everything carefully. And we've had the plane protected and guarded
all night."
And then I got into Memphis. And some began to say that threats, or
talk about the threats that were out. What would happen to me from some
of our sick white brothers?
Well, I don't know what will happen now. We've got some difficult days
ahead. But it doesn't matter with me now. Because I've been to the mountaintop.
And I don't mind. Like anybody, I would like to live a long life. Longevity
has its place. But I'm not concerned about that now. I just want to do
God's will. And He's allowed me to go up to the mountain. And I've looked
over. And I've seen the promised land. I may not get there with you. But
I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people will get to the promised
land. And I'm happy, tonight. I'm not worried about anything. I'm not fearing
any man. Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord.
I SEE THE PROMISED LAND
by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
April 3, 1968
Memphis, Tennessee
Thank you very kindly, my friends. As I listened to Ralph Abernathy
in his eloquent and generous introduction and then thought about myself,
I wondered who he was talking about. It's always good to have your closest
friend and associate say something good about you. And Ralph is the best
friend that I have in the world.