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Thomas Jefferson, "Commerce between Master and Slave," 1782
"I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just: that his justice can not sleep forever..."
The whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of
the most boisterous passions, the most unremitting despotism on the one part,
and degrading submission on the other. Our children see this and learn to
imitate it; for man is an imitative animal. This quality is the germ of all
education in him. From his cradle to his grave he is learning to do what he
sees others do. If a parent could find no motive either in his philanthropy or
his self-love for restraining the intemperance of passion towards his slave,
it should always be a sufficient one that his child is present. But generally
it is not sufficient. The parent storms, the child looks on, catches the
lineaments of his wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller
slaves, gives a loose rein to the worst of passions and thus nursed, educated
and daily exercised in tyranny, can not but be stamped by it with odious
peculiarities.
The man must be a prodigy who can retain his manners and morals
undepraved by such circumstances. And with what execrations should the
statesman be loaded who, permitting one half the citizens thus to trample on
the rights of the other, transforms those into despots and these into enemies,
destroys the morals of the one part and the amor patriae of the other. For if
a slave can have a country in this world, it must be any other in preference
to that in which he is born to live and labor for another: in which he must
lock up the faculties of his nature, contribute as far as depends on his
individual endeavors to the evanishment of the human race or entail his own
miserable condition on the endless generations proceeding from him. With the
morals of the people, their industry is also destroyed. For in a warm climate,
no man will labor for himself who can make another labor for him. This is so
true that, of the proprietors of slaves, a very small proportion are ever seen
to labor. And can the liberties of a nation be thought secure, when we have
removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that
these liberties are of the gift of God? That they are not to be violated but
with his wrath? Indeed I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is
just: that his justice can not sleep forever: that considering numbers, nature
and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of
situation is among possible events: that it may become probable by
supernatural interference!
The Almighty has no attributes which can take side with us in such a
contest. But it is impossible to be temperate and to pursue this subject
through the various considerations of policy, of morals, of history natural
and civil. We must be contented to hope they will force their way into every
one's mind. I think a change already perceptible, since the origin of the
present revolution. The spirit of the master is abating, that of the slave
rising from the dust, his condition mollifying, the way, I hope, preparing,
under the auspices of heaven, for a total emancipation; and that this is
disposed, in the order of events, to be with the consent of the masters,
rather than by their extirpation
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